


I 





Pass E^gfc 
Book XT^ 



\^Ip1 



A. X) ID K; E S 



OP 



GOVERNOR CONRAD BAKER, 

DELIVERED AT KNIGHTSTOWN, IND., 

JULY 4th, 1867, 

ON THE OCCASION OF LAYING THE CORNER STONE 
OF THE SOLDIER'S HOME. 






^ 



ADDRESS 



Fellow Citizens— Ladies and Gentlemen: 

To the joint action of the Grand Army of the 
Eepubhc and the Trustees of the Soldiers' 
Home are we indebted for the happy blending of 
the two patriotic objects which have assembled 
sn here to-day 

It is meet and proper that the commemoration 
of the laying of the corner stone of the grandest 
political structure that man ever reared or Prov- 
idence ever blessed should on this day be asso- 
ciated with the laying of the corner stone of a 
Home for those who have been disabled in bat- 
tling to preserve this grand political structure 
from destruction. 

_ It is also fit and proper that these twin ofiFer- 
ings, both sacred to patriotism, should be made 
under tbe auspices of an association of citizen 
soldiers lately composing a part and still bear- 
ing the name of the Grand Army of the Re- 
public. 

■But while it is true, as already intimated, that 
the Declaration of Independence was, and is, 
the corner stone of our national existence, it 
ought not to be forgotten that this stone was, 
and is, built upon and supported by broad and 
deep pre-existing foundations. 
_ These foundations, to which I now invite your 
indulgent attention, consist: 

First— Of that Union which constiUites us one 
people, and without which independence and 
national eaistence never could have become re- 
alities ; and, 

Secondly-Of those immutable principles of 
truth and justice, for the support of which the 
fathers pledged their lives, their fortunes, and 
thiir sacred honor. 

The first proposition, then, to which I propose 
to speak is, that the Union was and is one of the 
grand foundations upon which our independence 
and nationality are based. 

_ What, then, is the nature of the Union? what 
its origin, and what the causes which brought it 
into being? Is it a league between sovereign 
States, independent not only of all the nations 
of the earth, but independent of each other, oris 
it a Union of the entire people of one vast coun- 
try as one undivided nation, all owing allegi- 
ance to the same Government, of which they 
themselves are the architects and builders? 
As a starting point in the consideration of these 
questions, we hare thirteen distinct and sepa- 
rate British Colonies, all founded on charters, 
proprietory grants or royal governmental com- 
missions, emanating from the British crown and 
defaning the boundaries of these colonies re- 
spectively. 

The colonies although existing separately un- 
der these charters, grants 8,nd commisKions oc- 
cupied contiguous territory, had a common 
origin and for the most part, the colonists spoke 
the same language. Their situation was such 



that their welfare if not their very existence ro- 
quired that there should be some common gov- 
ernment for the regulation of their external 
aflairs with the rest of the world, to which all 
fi?f "ii .? alike subject For many years after 
tne planting of these colonies, they all had this 
necessary common government for the regula- 
tion ot their external concerns, under and as a 
part ot the British KiDgdom. to whose crown 
t^tieym thefullea^ manner acknowledged their 

But whilst these colonies all owed and ac- 
knowledged thetr allegiance to the British 
Crown, each of them had. for a long time, en- 
joyed the blessings of local self government in 
relation to their domestic affairs and internal 
regulations^ They acknowledged themselves as 
part ot the British Empire, to be bound by all 
treaty stipulations made by it with other na- 
tions, and also that they were subject to the leg- 
islation of the British Parliament, so far as re- 
lated to their commercial intercourse with the 
world, and all other subjects on which a uni- 
formity of legislation was necessary or desirable 
tor all portions of that Empire. They claimed 
however, that being British subjects, they were 
entitled to all the rights of Englishmen, promi- 
nent among which was the right of trial by jury, 
and the right to be exempt from being taxed save 
witli the consent of their immediate representa- 
tives. Ihey submitted for many years to the 
most unjust restrictions upon their trade and 
commercial intercourse as between themselves as 
well as between them and the outside world, 
without questioning the power of Parliament to 
inapose these restrictions. When, however Par- 
liament went one step farther, and attempted to 
levy internal taxes in the shape of stamp duties 
embracing within their scope nearly all tbe daily 
transactions of liie : they remonstrated and bold- 
ly denied the power of Parliament to impose 
such burdens. The controversy, which this at- 
tempt on the part of Parliment to t-tx the Col- 
onies without their consent, gave rise to the 
Oontinental Congress of 1765, which may be re- 
garded as the germ of the American Union. 

Although each colony bad a local legislature, 
tbey were separate and distinct political commu- 
nities, and had, by their organic structure, no 
power to unite for a^y purpose without the con- 
sent ot the British Government, and as a con- 
sequence a unioa of the people of tbe colonies 
tor the purpose of resioting the aggressions of 
the parent Government was one step towards 
revolution. 

The colonial Legislative Assemblies consisted 
ot three separate and dis inct branches, the con- 
currence of all of which was neoefieary in the 
passage of laws. These branches consisted 
hrst, of a Governor chosen directly or indirectly 
by and dependant upon tbe Crown. Second a 
repreBentativw assemblF choSen by the people- 



and third, a Council or Upper House SPleoted by 
the repre^-ientatives of the people with the con- 
currence or cubject te the negative of the royal 
Governor. For many years the Colonial Leg- 
islatures had exercised the exclusive and un- 
questioned right of levying all the internal 
taxes which were impojed upon the col- 
onists, and "f granting or refusing such sup- 
plies to the King as to the Legislature might 
seem proper. Witti perhaps a single excep- 
tion, no reasonable complaint could be made 
aeainst any of the colonies of a want of liber- 
ality in responding to the King's requisitions for 
supplies. The colonists in isted that being 
i'itish subjects, they were entitled to all the 
rights of British citizenship, and that as resi- 
dent citizens of England could not bs taxed 
except with the consent of their representatives 
in the Houpe of Commons, and as it was im- 
practicable that, the co'onics should be repre- 
sented in Piirliament, it foMowed that the peo- 
ple of the colonies c«uld only be taxed with the 
consent of their representatives in the Colonial 
Legislative Assemblies. Parliament, on t>ie 
other hand, claimed the unlimited power of 
legislating for the colonies in all cases what:?o- 
ever. 

Here, then, was an issue between ths people of 
the colonies on the one baud, and the Parlia- 
ment on the other, which o-iuld only be settled 
by the yielding of one party to the claims of the 
other, or by the stern arbitrament of the sword. 

The history of the times, and the facts setforth 
in the Declaration of Independence, show how 
reluctant the Fathers were to resort to extreme 
measures for redress of grievances. They say in 
that instrument that a« every stage of the op- 
pressions ot which they complained they had 
petitioned for redress in th*- most humble man- 
ner, but that their petitions had been answered 
by repeated injury. 

How calm, considerate and dignified was the 
conduct of the men of the Revolution when com- 
pared with the proceedings of those who recently 
rebelled against the authority of a government 
in which they were not only fully represented, 
but over which the* exercised an undue control. 
In the one case lyery peaceab'e measure was ex 
hausted for the redress of real grievances, and 
esistance was only sanctioned as a last resoit 
In the other, without any real cause of com- 
plaint, war was invoked as a remedy against 
apprehended evils Looking a' these two ex- 
amples ot resistance to constituted authority in 
the light of tbeir respective results, who can 
doubt that Go'i is just, or that He governs in the 
aC'airs of men ? 

The stiimp act received the rojal assent on the 
22d day of March. I'fiS and thereby the power of 
Parliament to tax the colonies in the absence of 
r'-p'-o.'ientatiiin was attempted to be exercised to 
the fullest extent and in the most oppressive 
mannnr, 

Ou the 6th day of June, of the same year, in 
the House of Representatives f>f Massachusetts, 
James O'is, of Boston, advised "the calling of 
an American Congress, which should come to- 
gether wiihoiit (inkiiip the conneiitof Ihc King, and 
should consist of committees from each of the 
thirteen colonies, to be appointed respectively 
/))/ tJie deleoa'fi "./ (/c peoph- iinthout regard to the 
other branr.htu of the legiHlntum," 

1 he supgottion was adapted. Otis and two 
other members of the MassacbusRtts House of 
Representatives were appointed delegates to the 
proposed Congress, and letters were sen' to every 
legislative aeeembly on the continent "prop'sing 
that com'.nitteeg of the several assemblies should 
loeot at New York on the first Tuesday of the 
following ..(ctober, to consult together and con- 
sider of a united repre^entation to implore re- 
lief. ' 

In puTsunnce of rimilar action on the part of 
other colonies, the tirst continental Congress 
mi't in the ci'y of New York, on the 7th dny of 
October, 17fi5. It coiisistrd ot dclegntes fr' m 
MiisHacliUKetts. Rhode If'and, Connecticut, 
Pennsjlvaiiin., Mftryiatid, 8outU Oflroiioa, Dela- 



ware, New Jersey and New York. New Hamp- 
i^hire, although unrepresented by delegates, had 
pledged her people in advance to abide by the 
result, and Georgia evinced her interest in the 
matter by sending a messenger a thousand miles 
bv land to obtain a copy of the proceedings. 

Virginia and North Carolina were not in any 
way represented in this first American Congress, 
although they were both in full sympathy with 
the people of the other colonies 

As bearing on the formation and nature of the 
American Union, it is interesting and important 
to note the manner in which this first Congress 
was constituted. Did it represent the local co- 
lonial governments of the respective colonies, or 
did it represent the people? To answer this 
question, it is only necessary to State the man- 
ner in which the delegates were appointed. In 
Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, 
Pennsylvania, Maryland and South Carolina, 
the Governor and Council, both con-'tituent 
parts of the legislative power, were entirely ig- 
nored, ani' the appointments were made by the 
House of Representatives. 

In Delaware and New Jersey the popular 
branch of the Legislature did not even act in its 
organizea capacity, but the delegates from those 
colonics were named by letters of appnintment, 
signed by the individual members of the Houses 
of Representatives of these colonies respective- 
ly ; and in New York the Legislative Committee 
of Correspondence, appninted by the popular 
branch of the Legislature of that colony, consti- 
tuted its delegates to the Congress. 

Here, then, we see that in 'he first Continental 
Congress the delegate^ did not represent the lo- 
cal governments of their respective colonies, but 
that they did represent the people of the colo- 
nies from which thoy were sent. That they were 
appointed not by the local governments but by 
the popular branches of the Colonial Assemblies, 
as the immediate and most convenient organs of 
the popular will. 

The Congress thus assembled entered imme- 
diately on the consideration of the grounds on 
which they would base their efforts to vindicate 
American liberty and American rights. Whether 
they should build on the rights secured by their 
respective charters or im natural ju.-tice became 
the question. Some were for relying on their 
charters and pleading the rights thus secured, 
but Christopher Gadsden of South Carolina, saw 
that this was basing American liberty on too nar- 
row a foundation and would result in division 
and destruction, as their charters difi'ered and 
some of the colonies had no charters from the 
Crown at all. 

"We should stand." (said this sturdy pa- 
triot) "upon the broad, conimc.n fround of those 
natural rights that we all feel and know as men, 
and as the descendants of Englishmen— I wish 
the charters may nnt ensnare us at Ijht by draw- 
ing different colonies to act differently in this 
great cause. Whenever this is the case, all will 
be over with the whole. There should be no 
New England man, no New Yorker on the con- 
tinent, but all of us Americans." 

"These views" (says Bancroft) "prevailed, and 
in the proceedings of the Congress the argument 
for American liberty from royal gran's was 
avoided. This ia the first great step towards in- 
dependence. Dummer has pleaded for colony 
charters ; Livingston, Gadsdon, and the 
Congress of 176.') provided f«r American 
seif-existence and Union by claiming rights that 
preceded charters, and would survive their 
ru'D." 

It is worthy of remark that the question be- 
tween chartered rights and natural justice hag 
repeated itself in our subsequent history. Those 
in after years who have been the peculiar advo- 
cates of Mate sovereignty are the legitimate de- 
fccndants of the men who, in our controversy 
with Great Britair,, were willing to base Ameri- 
can liberty on no firmer fou'ndatirm than the 
wi.rds of a King contained in a royal charter, a 
royal proprietory grant, or a royal governor's 
vonimiesioo ; while those wh-o have maafally ia- 



sisted oa the paratriount sovoreignty of tho en- 
tire Amarican People, have with Gadsden and 
the ContineDta.1 Congress of 1766 always maia- 
tained that human rights are older and more 
tacred than mere chartered rights, and that 
charters and constitutions are only valuable as 
they tend to secure natural rights and promote 
human happiness 

The Stamp Act, the passage of which gave 
birth to the Congress of 176&. having been re- 
pealed in 1766, that Congress never reassembled 
and had nc successor untill 1774 In the mean- 
time the controversy went on between the 
Britifh government and the Colonies, as to the 
powers of tie former over the latter. The form 
of tho exactions was changed, but the substance 
was insisted upon with increased pertinacity. 
Port duties on the necessaries of life were sub- 
stituted for stamp taxes, and the legality of 
their asse.-smeut was denied and their colleo 
tion resisted with the same sturdy determination 
tha.t had been previously put forth in relation to 
the S'nmp Act. 

Again, Union became the watchword of the 
people, and "loin or Die" rang out as themotto 
of those real Sons of Liberty. 

As early as July, 1773. Dr. Franklin advised 
the Rssemb'ing of a general Congress of all the 
Colonies, giving as a rea.'on for this advice, that 
"the strength of an empire depends not only on 
the union of its parts, but on their readiness for 
a united exertion of their common !force." 

Virginia, although unrepresvt.ted in the Con- 
tinental Congress of 1765. was the fir-^t to move 
in the call of that of 1774. The House of Bur- 
gesses of Virginia met in May, 1774, and so^n 
after the meeting news was received that the 
port of Boston was to be closed by an act of Par- 
liament on the first day of Juno following. They 
forthwith passed an order designating that day 
as a day of fastiag. humiliation and piayer, to 
imp^1re the Divine interposition for averting 
tne heavy calamity which threatened destrue 
tion to their civil richts ani the evils of civil 
war. and to give them "one heart and one mind 
firmly to oppose, by all just and proper means, 
every injury to American rights." 

This action, as mighi have been and doubtless 
was expected, b'-ought down upon them th»i dis- 
plen'ure of the royal Governor. w6o immediate- 
ly dissolved the House. But the members im- 
mediately rea-ssembled in another p ace, and de- 
clared that all the Colonies had a j int interest 
in the la.e proceeding of pariiamint, and ad 
vised the calling of a general Continental 'Con- 
gress. In accordance with this recommendation 
». convention of the people of Virginia was held, 
by which seven persons were appointed co rep- 
resent the people of that colony in a General 
Congress to be held at Philadelphia in the fol- 
lowing September. 

Massachu=ott8 promptly seconded the motion 
of Virginia for a Congress, and other colonies 
soon followed their example by appointing dele- 
ga.tes Here again the deleeates were therepre 
eentatives of i he ueople and not the representa- 
tives of the loeql colonial governments. They 
were appointed either by conventions of the peo- 
ple or by the por)ular branches of the legislatu?es 
acting for the people. 

These delegates met at Philadelphia in Con- 
gress on the 5th day of September, 1774, and 
designated themselves in their proceedings as 
"The Delegate- appointed by the good people of 
the Colonies." All the Colonies were repre- 
sented in this Congre'8 except Georgia. 

Being without « written constitution or com 
pact of union, and not yet seriously <'ontemplat- 
ing independence, the Congress of 1774, in imi- 
tation of that of 176.>. resolved that each colony 
should have one vote, but to prevent this from 
being drawn into precedent they declared a a 
reason for this action that they could not pro- 
cure reliable data for determiniiig tho import- 
ance of each Colony. 

This Congress, aft«r declaring the rights of the 
people of the Colonies and setting forth the 
ffri«TaBo«B of irbioh they oompUined, prepared 



an agreement of non-intercourse with the moth- 
er country, which was signed by all the members 
and recommended to the people for their adop- 
tion until their grievances should b** fully re- 
dressed. Tbey adjuurned on the 26th day of 
October, having first recommended that another 
Congress of all tho Colonies should be held at 
Philadelphia, on the 10th day of May. 1775, un- 
less their grievances should bo before that time 
redressed, and that delegates to the new Con- 
gress should be appointed without delay. 

In the mean time, the Colonial Government of 
Massachusetts was revolutionized. Parliament 
had aitempted to subvert their charter by chang- 
ing the mode of selecting the l;ouncil, so as to 
insure the subserviency of that branch of the 
Legislature to the Crown and Parliament. 
Popular indignation was so aroused by this fresh 
act of aggression, that the new Councillors were 
compelled to resign. Writs of election had been 
issued for a new IIousc. of Representatives, but 
the royal Governor, in consequence of the com- 
pulsory resignation of the Councilors, counter- 
manded by proelomation the writs of election. 

The people, in disregard of the Governor s 
proclamation, held their elections, and the 
members elect met pursuant to the precepts. 
There being no council, and the Governor fail- 
ing to recognize the members elected to the 
House of Representatives, of course they had 
no power under the Charter to legislate. The 
member." of the House adjourned from Salem to 
Cambridge, and resolved themselves into a Pro- 
vincial Congress, and the people of the colony 
sanctioned this proceeding by generally yielding 
obedience to their authority. 

On the 19r,h of April, 1775. the battle of Lex- 
it aton was fought, and on the lO'h of the suc- 
ceeding month the Continental Congress met in 
Philadelphia. The delegates had been chosen 
partly by conventions of tho people, and partly 
by the popular branch of such of the Colonial 
Legislatures as were then in session : but these 
latter appointments were all subsequently rati- 
fied by conventions of the people. 

At tho opening of the session all the colonies 
were represented except Georgia and Rhode Is- 
land, snd five days afterwards the delegates of 
the latter appeared, leaving Georgia alone un- 
represented. Congres.s continued in eession un- 
til the first day of August, when they took a 
recess to the 5th day of September, i^oon after 
their reassembling, all the colonies inoludinff 
Georgia, were represented. Civil war had actu- 
ally commenced, and Conetess at once became 
the organ of the united resistance of the colonies 
to the mother countrj. ] t at once assumed tht 
control of the legislation of tho co ntine nt, and 
instead of considering itself tbeiMHlH^ of the^ij^ 
local colonial governments it acted as the repre- 
sentative of<»mfijesty of a united people, and 
advised the colonies what tbey should do in the 
matter of reconstructing their local govern- 
ments, put the country in a state of defense, and 
assumed control of the military operations of 
tho colonies, it devised ways and means for 
conducting the war, organized a continental or 
national army by adopting the army raised 
by the New England Provinces, ana 
then under the command of General Ward, and 
bv directing troops to be raised by Pennsylvania, 
Maryland and Virginia, to join the army near 
Boston, which was aesignated byCongress as the 
Anierican Continental Army ; and was ordered 
to be paid out o( the Continental treasury. On 
tho loth day of June. 1775, George Washington, 
one of the delegates from Virginia, was unanim- 
ously chosen by Congret-s to be the Commander 
in Chief of the Continental forces. In Waebing- 
tcn'ii commission, the stylo oi'Hhe United Colon 
ies" was for the first time adapted, and tho de- 
ienee o( America 11, liberties was assumed as the 
great object of the Union. In a letter of instruc- 
tions which accompanied this commission, the 
General was enjoined by Congress to make it his 
special care that the liberties of .dwicrica received 
no detriment. 
Here then no have a national CoDgreiB, a ns' 



■^ 



tlonal Army, a national Treasury and a national 
llaiun, without a single State in the Union. 
What then becomes of the oft-repeated assump- 
tion that the States made the Union, and can 
therefore unmake it at pleasure by withdrawing 
therefrom? 

The Continental Congress finding that their 
cherished idea of a reconciliation with the 
motlier country on the basis of justice and free- 
dom was a delusive hope, on the Fourth day of 
July, 1776, adopted the Declaration of Indepen- 
dence, the Colonies voting unanimously there- 
tor, and sent it forth to the world. 

What evidence does this instrument contain 
as to the pre-existence of the Union and its na- 
ture? Let it speak for itself, and judge ye 
whether its utterances are doubtful either as to 
the exi.stence of the Union, or the authority up- 
on which Congress acced in making the declara- 
tion. 
Irs first sentence reads as follows : 
"When, in the course of human events, it be- 
com'^8 necessary for Oi«K People to dissolve the 
poli'ical bonds which have connected them with 
another, and to assume among the powersof 
the earth, thescpnrate and equ il atntion to which 
the laws of nature and of nature'-. God entitle 
them, a decent respect for the opinions of man- 
kind requires that they should declare the causes 
which impel them to the s-epara ion." 

One People I What stronger or more emphatic 
expression could have been employed to indicate 
the oneness of our beloved country? The clause 
ja»t quoted from the Declaration shows that 
prior to and on the moining of the 4th day of 
July. 1776, there were political bonds connecting 
the One People of the thirteen colonies with an- 
other people, even the people of Great Uritain : 
thaf this connection prevented this "One Peo- 
ple" from exercising among the Powers of the 
eai th that sovereignty to which they were enti- 
tled, but which they had never possessed; and 
for the purpose of dissolving this connect!' n 
and enabling this One People to a.'^sume among 
the Powers of the earth the separate and equal 
Station which was rightfully theirs, is the declar 
ed object of this immortal instrument Our 
fathers, in declaring their independence, did not 
usher into the world thirteen independent sov- 
ereign nations or States ; but tbey did introduce 
into che family of nations one people, one na 
tion, composed of the united people of thirteen 
colioies, bound together in the same bundle of 
tof Union, and they claimed for this "One Pei - 
pic" one, and only one. separate and equal place 
aciiongthe Powers of the earth. Ijet us thank 
th'! Ruler of the Universe that His Providence 
made good the declaration of 1776, and through 
th«t same Providence directing the minds, 
nerving the arms and encouraging the hearts of 
the patriotic, bravo and good men of our own 
generation, we are to-day, after the lapse of 
ne:'rly a century, still one people, occupying one, 
and only one, separate and equal station among 
th>" Powers of the world. 

But the evidence contained in the declaration 
in favor of our national unity and the para- 
mount sovereignty of the people of the entire 
Union does not stop here Let me quote in your 
hearing a portion of its concluding santence. It 
reals thus : 

"We therefore, the representatives of the 
Ui'Vcd iS'<afe« of America in general Congress as- 
eembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of the 
world for the rectitude of our inventions, do 
in the name and by the authoritu of the good people 
<>/ these coloiiieH solmenly publish and declare 
thnt, these United Colouh^ are, and of right, 
ouiiht o be free and independent St a tea." 

ileroisthe title deed ot our nationality made 
in the name and by the authority of the good 
people of the United Colonies, acling through 
their chosen representatives in the Peneral Con- 
gress. Dues any one of the origiiial thirteen 
States claim to be sovrei^n and ir^'epoiidont ? 
if so she is e.itoppcd from dating her overeignty 
HPd indei endence prior to the Fo..rth day of 
July, 1776, for in tha doclarain.-i she ac- 



knowledges her previous colonial condition and 
her want of equality of station among the powers 
of the earth. Each of the States was born inde 
pendent in the Union, but not independent o/ the 
Union. And the State that would destroy the 
Union would become the murderer of the mother 
who bore her. 

Are we told'that the articles of confederation 
which preceded the Constitution of the United 
States, was a compact by its terms between inde- 
pendent sovereign States? This must be grant- 
ed, but with the admission should go the fact 
that these articles of confederation nevtr were 
ratified and never became efi'ectual until the war 
of the Revolution had nearly been concluded. 
The ratification took place and Congress first 
met under them in 1781 and peace came in 1783. 
The Union was a verity for six years and more 
prior to the ratification of these articles, and 
they being a departure from the grand principle 
of national unity, announced in the Declaration 
of Independence, were soon given up for the 
Constitution of the United States, which again 
spoke the national will by the authority, not of 
the States, but of one united people. 

One other historical incident bearing upon the 
same point, and I conclude .this branch of the 
subject. 

When the Commissioners of France, Great 
Britain and the United States met in Paris, in 
August, 1782, to conclude a treaty of peace, the 
British Commissioner produced a oommisf'ion in 
the language of a then recent act of Parliament, 
by which the King was authorized to concluac a 
a peace with certain colonies therein named, 
the thirteen colonies being named separately in 
the act Mr. Jay, one of the American Commis- 
sioners, objected to the sufficiency of this au- 
thority and refused to proceed wi*h the negotia- 
tions until the British Commissioner returned 
and procured instructions authorizing him to 
treat with "the Commissioners of the United 
States of America " and the treaty was then 
made between France, Great Britian and the 
United States ; the Commissioners of each repre- 
senting one sovereign and independent power 

This historical review clearly shows that Mr. 
Lincoln was right when he declared in his first 
mssaye to Congress that "the States have their 
status in the Union, and they have no other legal 
status. If they bn ak from this, they can only do 
so against law »nd by revolution. The Union, and 
not themselves separately, procured their inde- 
pendence and their liberty. By conquest or pur- 
chase the Union gave each of them whatever of 
independence or liberty it has. The Union is 
older than any of the States, and in fact it crea- 
ted them as States Originally some dependent 
colonies made the Union, and in turn the Union 
threw ofl" (heir dependence for them, and made 
them States such as they are. Not one of them 
overbad a State constitution indepondcnt of the 
Union." 

So spoke the "good President to his country- 
men, and. though being dead, so he atill speaks. 
May the people over heed his word,«, and remem- 
ber that the Union has been the source of all our 
political blessings in the past, and is the founda- 
tion cf all our hopes for the future. 

The Declaration of Independence, as we have 
seen, assumed the previous existence of the 
Union, and declared the national independence. 
It did more, it proclaimed the inalienable rights 
of men, and these rights thus proclaimed, consti 
tute another of the broad, deep foundations of 
American institutions and introduces the second 
topic proposed for your consideration. 

in the light of the g'and historic transactions 
of the last six > ears which have so gloiiously 
vindicated our national unity may we not to-dny 
repeat with a new emphasis the words of our 
fathers that "We hold these truths to he self 
evident ; chat all men are created equal; that 
they are endowed by their Creator with oortain 
inalienable rights; that among these are life, 
liberty and the pnrsuit of happiness." 

This Rublimo utteraneo was as I have sa;d one 
of tho broad, deep foundations upon which the 



fathers of the Republic built the infant nation, 
and though they and we aa to a portion of our 
people for a time practically ignored the truths 
thus uttered, under the alternate smiles and 
chastenings of the Supreme Judge of the world, 
to whom they appealed lor the rectitude of their 
intentions, we have grown and prospered until 
the Grand Republic has become ttie beacon light 
as well as the marvel of the world. 

Although the Constitution of the United 
States corrected the error which had been com- 
mitted in the Articles of Confederation, as to the 
nature of our Union, and the relation of the sev- 
eral parts to each other, and to the whole, and 
so farrestored us to the principles of the Decla- 
ration of Independence it recognized, while 
ashamed to pronounce or record the name of 
that monster iniquity, chattle and hereditary 
slavery. Thus we presented to the world the 
spectacle of a great republic built on the founda- 
tion of a perfect equality of rights among men, 
and yet practically denying to a portion of its 
people the enjoyment of all their rights. Slavery 
so blinded the minds and hardened the hearts of 
the nation that the national government, in all 
its departments, executive, legislative and judi- 
cial, bowed down at the shrine of the mon- 
ster. It claimed protection under the flag of 
freedom wherever it floated, and denounced 
as traitors and infidels all who denied its pre- 
tensions. At last, under the preterce of 
vindicating the Constitution, it attempted 
to overthrow the Republic, and build up- 
on it ruins a political monstrosity, called 
a confederacy, of which human bondage in- 
stead of the inalienable rights of man was to be 
the chief corner stone. Although the national 
conscience was so debauched as to be no longer 
able to perceive the horrors of slavery, a vast 
majority of the people still loved the Union of 
their fathers, and God in his goodnocs made this 
love our schoolmaster to bring us back to the 
love of liberty , not as a mere sentiment, but as a 
living, energizing universal principle. By 
showing the nation that either the Union or 
slavery must die, he educated us up to the point 
that sanctioned the issuing of the proclamation 
that rung out freedom to the land and to all the 
inhabitants thereof: and the people said 
Amen; and the Grand Army of the Republic 
said Amen; and slavery died amidst its wor- 
shippers, the Union was saved, and a regenera- 
ted Republic shouted Amen. 

However difficult it may be under certain com- 
plications to apply in practice the great doctrine 
of equal rights among m«n, is it not wonderful, 
notwithstanding all the lessons of experience, 
that man, whose breath is in his nostrils, should 
even in our own day arrogate to himself the 
possession of rights which he denies to his fel- 
low man. And how contemptible and cowardly 
does this claim of superior rights become when 
it is based upon the assumption, true or false, 
that it exists because the man who mabesthe 
claim is superior to him as against whom it is 
made. 

If one man or one race of men is weaker than, 
or inferior, to another, is it not an imputation 
upon the wisdom and justice of the God of Na- 
ture to assert that the weaker man or weaker 
race is endowed by nature with inferior rights; 
that the Supreme Ruler of the universe so leg- 
islates as not to protect the weak against the 
strong, but the strong against the weak. That 
He is the God of the proud the arrogant, and 
the powerful, but not the God of the weak and 
the lowly. That he is a respecter of persons, 
but not a respecter of righteousness. Surely 
such doctrines find no sanction in the Declara- 
tion of Independence, or in the teachings of 
Him who enjoined that "all things whatsoever 
ye would that men should do to you, do ye even 
so to them, for this is the law and the prophets." 

If one man or race of men claims superior 
rights and greater protection from society and 
government in the battle of life, because of his 
or its supposed superiority to another man or 
another race, prudeiice would eeem to dictate 



that the claimant should take out a policy 
against the accident of his being mistaken in the 
assumption. 

Fortunately, companies now exist that are 
willing to insure against accidents of all kind.-^. 

If the assumed superiority does exist, so much 
the greater is the reason that the inferior and 
the weaker should enjoy the protection of equal 
rights and equal laws. If it does not exist, the 
claim is based on a falsehood, and must there- 
fore fall. 

The Declaration of Independence does not 
proclaim the absurd doctrine that all men of the 
same race are created equal, and that as among 
themselves they are entitled to certain inalien- 
able rights, but that as to other races they are 
not equal, and do not possess, or may be despoil- 
ed of their rights. Again, if a superior race may 
deny to an inferior race the enjoyment of equal 
and impartial rights, why may not a superior 
man deny to an inferior man of the same raco 
the same thing? I defy mortal man to show 
why the logic that proves the one proposition 
will not prove the other.' The result of sucb 
logic would be that the most superior man in the 
nation must govern all the rest, and to be con ■ 
sistent we would all h.ive to bow to some shrewd 
fellow like Louis Napoleon, and say, "We await 
your superior pleasure ; your will is the law ; y'U 
are the Government by divine right of superior- 
ity." 

This is not the time nor the place to discuss 
mere partisan questions, but on a day conse- 
crated to liberty, and in the presence of so many 
of its noble and gallant defenders, may we not 
with entire propriety consider the rights of hu- 
manity and the practical application of the prin- 
ciples of the Declaration of Independence to the 
duties of life? 

Believing such considerations to be appropri- 
ate to the occasion, I have no hesitancy in say- 
ing that the suppression of the rebellion and the 
consequences which have already flown and 
which are still to flow therefrom must, at no dis- 
tant day, place the nation on the broad platform 
of the Declarntion of Independence, and conse- 
quently assure to all classes of our citizens, of 
every race, equal and impartial civil and politi- 
cal rights thenceforth and forever. 

In my judgment, the sooner this consummation 
is reached the better will it be for the country, 
and the sooner will the Republic be prepared for 
that high mission among the nations of the earth 
which we all believe God in his providence de- 
signs it to accomplish. 

When and by what particular instrumentali- 
ties this result is to be attained may not now be 
certainly determined, but I must be permitted to 
express theopinion that as to those States which 
have always been true and loyal to the Union, 
and none of whose rights have ever been for 
felted by treason or rebellion, the question must 
belefttothe voluntary action of the people of 
the States respectively, and that these loyal 
States should freely, and without unnecessary 
delay, concede that which justice and sound pol- 
icy unite in demanding. 

By such a course the General Government will 
assume no questionable powers, our traditional 
policy as to the proper sphere of State and Fed- 
eral action will be preserved, a just confidence 
will be manifested by the national authorities in 
those States whose people have never heretofore 
faltered in the hour of trial, and a broad line of 
demarkation will be drawn between that confi 
dence which uninterrupted loyalty deserves, aii J 
that distrust which past rebellion justly inspires 

That justice will be done, and impartial rights 
accorded, and that, too, at no distant day. by ali 
the loyal States, should not be doubted, and if, 
in the end, it shall be found that one or two 
semi-loyal States have bound themitelves to thi- 
dead past, and are determined not to profit by 
the lessons of experience, with all the other 
States firmly planted on the immutable princi- 
ples of right and justice, and with all the pow- 
er of the General Government on the side of 
freedom and equal rights, how easy will it not 



be to bring up these reluctant States to the com- 
mon level by an amendment of the constitution, 
without a resort to the exercise of doubtful Con- 
gressional powers. 

Gentlemen of the Qrand Army of the Republic, 
allo^ me, on behalf of myself and the Trustees 
of the Soldier's Home, to thank ^cu for your 
presence and for your participation in the laying 
of the corner stone of this Home for your dis- 
abled comrades. You have illustrated your de- 
votion to the Union, and to the great principles 
upop which our institutions are based, on many 
a well contested field, and jour State and your 
country recognize you as the worthy descendants 
of che noble men who declared and achieved our 
independence. 

To perpetuate friendships formed on the march, 
on the battlefield, and around your camp fires 
during the war, to keep the fires of liberty ever 
bright and burning on the altar of your hearts, 
and to minister to the wants of your brother sol- 
aiws when trouble or distress overtake them, 



you have associated yourselves together under 
the name of the Grand Army of the Republic. 
We bid your brotherhood God speed, and trust 
that the blessing of the Father of all. and the 
benedictions of a grateful people may attend each 
of you through life. 

And to you the honored inmates of this Home 
I desire to say that however much we may re- 
gret that the provision made for its establish- 
ment and your comfort, is not as ample as could 
have been desired, still you may rest assured 
that the people of Indiana in greatful recogni- 
tion of your services, toils and sufferings, will in 
due time supply all that may be lacking to make 
this institution a Home for those who gave for 
thoir country all that man can give, life only 
excepted. That you may lead peaceful and hap- 
py lives in this institution, and at last through 
the mediation of the Son, be admitted to the 
Father's House in which there are many man- 
sions, is not only the prayer of myself, but the 
prayer of all present. 



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